It is about that in Another Chance Apk. We ask those who oppose the church to give it another chance. People are told that if they don't feel good or not good enough, they get a second chance. You still have a chance!
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It is often argued that failure is a particularly rich source of learning. It is reasonable to expect, therefore, that entrepreneurs who have failed once will do better the second time than those who try for the first time. In this paper, we compare the survival chances of businesses of entrepreneurs who failed with their ventures in the past with those of first-time entrepreneurs (novices). We find that entrepreneurs whose previous business has failed keep new businesses running for less time than novices do. This result remains even after a series of robustness checks in which we look at different subgroups of entrepreneurs. Thus, we cannot find evidence for the assumption that previous entrepreneurial failure is particularly valuable for entrepreneurs. To explain our result, we point to the selection process that takes place before we see failed entrepreneurs another time in business. Some of the failed entrepreneurs decide to start again, while others do not, and it is likely that this process is not random. A potential driver of this process is entrepreneurial talent and our results are consistent with the hypothesis that failed entrepreneurs are those with below-average entrepreneurial talent. Although this does not imply that all entrepreneurs who failed have poor talent, a general second-chance policy cannot be easily justified. A targeted search and support of high-profile entrepreneurs among the failed might be more sensible.
In this paper, we empirically investigate how failed entrepreneurs fare in a subsequent venture in terms of survival. We make several contributions to the entrepreneurship literature. First, we are among the first to explicitly examine the relationship between the previous failure experience of entrepreneurs and the outcome of the current venture using a large representative dataset of young firms. Although there is a long tradition of analyzing the influence of previous self-employment experience on the outcome of the current venture, only recently attempts have been made to consider whether this experience was successful or not. Regarding failure experience, the extant literature is very thin. We are aware of only four studies to explore the topic. Two are working papers (Metzger, 2006b, 2007); one looks only at venture-capital-backed firms (Gompers et al, 2010), and the other focuses on errors made by entrepreneurs in their restart decisions (Nielsen & Sarasvathy, 2016), an area of interest that diverges from our own. The narrowness of the previous literature has, among other things, to do with the fact that the outcome of previous self-employment experience is not recorded in the datasets or that the data indicates only whether or not the previous venture closed down. However, it has been repeatedly acknowledged that closure is not necessarily failure (Bates, 2005; Headd, 2003; Wennberg et al, 2010). We know from our dataset whether the previous and the current firm went bankrupt or were dissolved, which are more direct measures of venture failure.Footnote 1 Second, by considering selection, we aim at broadening the perspective of entrepreneurship research on self-employment experience to the processes that take place before the restart of another venture. We describe the selection process in the next section, deduce a hypothesis about the potential effect of failure experience on survival in a follow-up venture by applying existing theoretical models to our research question, and apply considerations on selection next to learning in the interpretation of our results. Third, while previous studies often focus on specific subgroups of entrepreneurs, such as venture capital-backed start-ups or start-ups in a specific sector, we use a large representative dataset for our empirical analyses. We are, therefore, in a position to paint a wide-ranging picture of the phenomenon.
By contrast, both Holmes and Schmitz (1990), Plehn-Dujowich (2010), and Carbonara et al. (2019) assume that people know their entrepreneurial talent and that it is also observable by others. In this setting, failure and success are a matter of luck. However, talent and luck are not unrelated in all three models. Holmes and Schmitz (1990) assume that individuals with higher talent are more likely to develop a business of good quality. This leads to two threshold levels of entrepreneurial ability: a level below which people never start businesses because the likelihood that they ever would develop a business with positive market value is too low; and a level above which people specialize in starting businesses. These high-ability entrepreneurs develop a business idea and, depending on the quality of the business, they either discontinue it or sell it after the development phase and then start developing another business idea. Individuals whose entrepreneurial ability lies between the threshold levels start businesses as well but may also decide to manage their previously developed business. This depends on the talent of the individual, the quality of the business, and on the transaction costs accompanying the transfer of businesses.
Up to this point, the above considerations relate to the first part of the selection process and describe the expected ability of a given cohort of founders who fail compared with that of novice entrepreneurs. The next question is: What is the expected ability of people who start anew after failure compared to that of novices? The Jovanovic (1982) model tells us nothing about this because restarting after failure is not considered to be an option. By contrast, in the study by Holmes and Schmitz (1990), all failed entrepreneurs start anew.Footnote 5 Again, it depends on the level of transaction costs whether the average ability level of restarts after failure is higher or lower than that of novices. If transaction costs are sufficiently low, the average ability of restarters will be lower; in all other cases, it will be higher. From the Plehn-Dujowich (2010) model, we can derive the hypothesis that the average ability of restarters is definitely higher because only the entrepreneurs with high entrepreneurial talent take a second chance. The same applies to the model by Carbonara et al. (2019), where only the highly skilled close down a business and start another one.
In Table 3 in the Appendix, we provide descriptive statistics including correlations between our variables for the estimation sample (firm/year observations). Around 10% of the observations belong to current businesses that are closed down in the period of observation of this study. In three-fifths of the cases (6% of all observations), this occurs via dissolving the firm without a formal bankruptcy procedure. Two-fifths of the cases (4% of all observations) are related to firms that go bankrupt. 14% of the observations are from firms whose entrepreneurs experienced a previous failure event with another business, most of which were voluntary dissolutions (82%). The correlation part of the table shows that the correlation coefficients are not particularly high.
Our regression equation makes sense because the control variables have the expected signs: Firms managed by better-educated entrepreneurs (degree and mastercraft qualification) and by those with industrial and life experience are more likely to survive (see also e.g. Lin et al., 2000, Bates, 1995, and van Praag, 2003). Firms that invest more and those who receive government funding are more likely to survive, while financial problems increase the likelihood of failure.Footnote 12 Finally, firms that are located in districts with higher unemployment rates have lower survival chances.
It is commonly assumed that failed entrepreneurs have higher chances of success than novices when starting a new business. This hypothesis is mainly based on the argument that higher human capital leads to better economic outcomes and failed entrepreneurs have the chance to increase their human capital through learning from their experience. Failure is assumed to be a particularly rich source of learning because it can induce entrepreneurs to think about underlying assumptions of their actions and to adjust their behavior.
It is possible that the outcome of the selection process is different from what existing theoretical models suggest. Failed restarters may have the same or less entrepreneurial ability than novices. Taking measurable human capital, such as the years of education, as a reflection of entrepreneurial talent, the empirical literature regarding the question of who restarts after failure does not completely rule out this conclusion. While Metzger (2006a), Hessels et al. (2011), Stam et al. (2008), and Carbonara et al. (2019) discover a positive effect of human capital on the probability to restart, Wagner (2003) Schutjens and Stam (2006) as well as Nielsen and Sarasvathy (2016) do not find an effect. Amaral et al. (2011) show with Portuguese register data that more educated entrepreneurs are less likely to start another business. 2ff7e9595c
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